Communist Workers & Peasants Party 

Pakistan

Monday, September 06, 2004

Bahawalnagar Rally

The CMKP offered its condolences to the great Bahawalnagar leader of our party Comrade Ghulam Bahu who passed away recently. On the 5th of September CMKP Central Committee and Punjab Committee members attended a chaleeswan and later a political rally held in honor of our great party leader.

The rally was attended by all the left political activists of Bahawalnagar district. From Bhatta Mazdoors, Rickshaw Unions, different Labour Fronts, to political activists of different left parties, all came to pay tribute to this great Marxist-Leninist who stood by socialism and the party his entire life. At the rally those who knew Bahu Sahib and had worked with him for decades narrated their experiences feelings and thoughts and expressed their deep sadness at the departure of one of one of the staunchest soldiers of the CMKP. People spoke about his commitment to the working-class through his legal profession, about his bravery and the four years he spent in jail under the terrorist courts, about his legal advice and work which he did without any cost for the working class and peasants, about the solid consistency of his work, and about his steadfastness in the face of opposition. Bahu sahib had an indefatigable confidence in the historic mission of the communist movement. Despite the breakup of the Soviet Union, the defeat of the left internationally and in Pakistan, and through every crisis or split that the party faced, he stood confidently and without hesitation like a solid rock holding aloft the red flag of the proletarian revolution. Despite the fact that he was from a middle-class family, and therefore had no direct stake in the proletariat revolution, he became convinced intellectually of the superiority of the socialist system. In his youth he was with the Pakistan army but when he saw how the army was an instrument of imperialist oppression, he joined the revolutionary movement. For his activities with the left he was summarily tried by special courts of the army and served four years in jail. He retrained himself to become an advocate so that he could enter politics and help the oppressed. This staunch soldier of comrade Major Ishaq never hesitated in the face of opposition and was known for his courage and determination.

At the rally President Punjab CMKP said that we should learn from comrade Ghulam Bahu’s life. The best form of appreciation of his life and struggle is to adopt the views and the organization that supports the views. He said that the working class has already learnt that without destroying capitalism there can be no end to hunger, poverty, and misery. The next lesson that the working class is learning is that without a communist party built on Marxist-Leninist principles capitalism cannot be destroyed. In the history of the last 150 years only the communists have destroyed capitalism. No populist party, NGO, non-political trade union or non-political peasant committee has ever defeated the capitalist system. Only the communists have done so because only the communists have the correct ideas and are tied to the struggle of the working class.

At the rally the senior Vice Chairman of our party said that the exemplary character of Ghulam Bahu is not separate from his affiliation with the communist movement. Every individual is tied to a social class and a social movement. Ghulam Bahu sacrificed for the poor because he was a die-hard communist, a representative of the oppressed, and a leading figure of the CMKP. If we communists have exemplary behavior it is because our movement is the wave of the future. He said that reactionaries accept science in every field, if they need medicine they rely on science, if they want to talk to people in this very rally they have to talk through a loud-speaker which is a product of modern science and so on. But when people want to apply the rules of science in order to analyze society, they call them kafirs. This is because they want to obscure the relations of exploitation in a religious garb and prevent a scientific analysis of the roots of oppression.

Speaking about the Baloch issue he lambasted the federal government and all opportunist elements that are failing to support the Baloch. He said, “Let no one doubt this, THE CMKP IS WITH THE BALOCH PEOPLE”. He said no one has the right to sit in Islamabad and take away the resources of the people. “As far as the Sardari system is concerned”, he said, “this is mainly an attempt by the establishment to confuse the issue. Naturally, every leftist is opposed to tribalism but the central issue is that the people of Balochistan as a whole are being robbed of their resources by the central government. And those who refuse to speak against this open robbery are complicit in the oppression of the Baloch”. He said Pakistan is not a nation-state but a multi-national state. Failure on the party of the establishment to recognize this central fact is leading to another 1971.

He concluded “The path of Ghulam Bahu, he is said is to swim against the tide, against the establishment, and never to bow to its pressure.”

The response of the people at the rally was unbelievably amazing. People from the audience responded by requesting that a political conference of workers and peasants be held on a yearly basis on the death anniversary of Ghulam Bahu. In the end of the rally, CMKP Bahawalnagar leaders thanked people for their support and active participation and pledged to carry forward the torch of comrade Ghulam Bahu, the torch of communism.

Long Live Comrade Ghulam Bahu
Long Live the CMKP


Tuesday, August 24, 2004

Murderous Civilization !

By Hussain Ahmed

While the General of the Rogue Pakistan Army smokes cigars in his arm chair in the President House and the former Citibank Bank man packs his bags to move in to Prime Minister House, the weak and oppressed of this country continue to be dishonoured, pillaged and plundered. Not concerned with the abysmal set of social patriarchal relations in Pakistan, the duo running the show do not want to disturb the status quo. The question really is: has any Pakistani government in the past tried to change this socio-political order. No prizes to answer that question. The vanguards of the capitalist and feudal system existing in this country make the rules here, dictating to us the absolute necessity of maintaining the antiquated set of relations in this country, claiming to protect us from the adulteration of Western values and modernization. And yet the government of this country cannot even protect its own female councillor from wretched stripping by a gang of perverted imbeciles, who it seems cannot be harmed either by the local government or the representative parliamentarians of Nowshera district. So much for "devolution of power", "empowerment at grass root level", "good governance", "haqiqi jamhooreeyat" (real democracy) that has been touted by the ideologists of "Development". One thought that Mukhtaran Bibi's case was enough to ruffle anyone, let alone the "man of honour" that the General claims he is. Yet, out comes Councillor Kulsoom Bibi to relate her plight! All of us are responsible for the predicament Kulsoom Bibi and many like her find themselves in. Can we give them answers? Can we overturn their torturous and painful experiences? This state, its ideology, its founders, its leaders stand disgracefully naked in front of the images of the women who have been dishonoured this way.

Our silence will mean our complicity in the violations of women's fundamental rights.

Fight Patriarchy !

"So many deeds cry out to be done, And always urgently;
The world rolls on, Time presses.
Ten thousand years are too long, Seize the day, seize the hour!"
~ Mao Tse-Tung 1963.



In Solidarity,
Hussain

(For a detailed discussion of the Marxist position on women, please refer to Engels' Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-family/index.htm)


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NOWSHERA: Councillor complains of being stripped

DAWN By Our Correspondent


NOWSHERA, Aug 23: A woman member of Pir Payaee union council has alleged that she and her friend were stripped by two men belonging to a notorious gang to punish them for lodging a complaint against them in a rape case.

Speaking at a press conference at her residence here on Sunday, councillor Kulsoom Bibi said her friend Rubina had complained to her that two men, Javed and Ropal, sons of Fazal Malik alias Gonga Qasab, had forcefully entered her house and criminally assaulted her about three months ago.

She said she took Rubina to Fazal Malik and complained to him about the incident. Later, Javed and Ropal came to her house and told her that they wanted to settle the matter with Rubina.

Kulsoom Bibi claimed that they insisted that the settlement would be made in the presence of their father Fazal Malik at their house. However, she alleged, when they went to their house the following day, members of "Gonga gang" forced them to put off their clothes, and when they refused they stripped them naked. Later, she said, the gangsters wrote their names and addresses on their bodies and also
made a video film.

She said they had to pay Rs30,000 to the sons of Gonga Qasab to secure their release. After her release, Kulsoom Bibi said, she moved to Islamabad along with her eight children and decided to keep quiet.

In Islamabad, she claimed, she sought the help of elected representatives belonging to the Nowshera district. However, all of them advised her to reach a settlement with the 'Gonga gang' to save her life as they were dangerous people. Later, she returned to Pir Payaee.

Kulsoom Bibi said she reported the matter to the police but no action was taken against the gang who had criminally assaulted many women of the village. She said people of the area were reluctant to speak against the gang out of fear for their life as Gonga Qasab and his sons and nephews had let loose a reign of terror in the area.

She said that instead of extending her any help, representatives of the district and tehsil councils and the police advised her to strike a deal with Gonga Qasab.

The councillor said three of the gangsters were arrested a week back but they managed to get bail. She alleged the criminals had dishonoured many married women of the village but their menfolk were keeping quiet out of fear.

The SHO of Azakhel police station, who was also present on the occasion, told newsmen that Gonga Qasab, his five sons and nephews had terrorized the village to an extent that nobody was ready to testify against them.

He said the police had raided the house of Gonga Qasab many times during the past two months and also arrested his three sons and seized a Kalashnikov from them. Two other sons of Gonga Qasab had been declared proclaimed offenders, he added. He urged the people to cooperate with the police so that the criminals could be brought to justice.

(http://www.dawn.com/2004/08/24/local34.htm)

Tuesday, August 17, 2004

Dhammic Socialism

By Hussain Ahmed

It amuses me how religious clerics come up with theories that they claim are the panacea to save humanity, whereas in reality they are just attempts at face saving religion. Ajarn Buddhadasa is not the first one to hijack and prostitute Marxism by giving it a more religiously inclined outlook. "Dhammic Socialism" and "Liberation Theology", although markedly different in their tenets, are both localized versions of socio-political orders that follow a stark pattern of plagiarizing Marxism, and attacking the very foundations of historical dialectical materialism. Let us critically analyze the article on "Dhammic Socialism" sent by Felix.

The article sets out by defining the term "Dhammic" and the Buddhist understanding of the term "Socialism", and subsequently what is meant by "Dhammic Socialism". Dhammic is defined as the following:

To be Dhammic is to be non-violent, unselfish, compassionate, mindful, and cool. Ajarn Buddhadasa summarized it in two words "peaceful" and "useful."

Socialism, according to Buddhist traditions, is understood as:

Sangkom-niyom, the Thai word for Socialism, literally means "preference for society," or "favoring society" rather than favoring the individual (that is, individualism).

Dhammic Socialism finds its roots embedded in Nature and in what it claims to be selflessness and morality in one's ethics and values, derived from religious and spiritual pleasure. Marxism explains history in terms of dialectical materialism and class struggles.

While Dhamma is purely a Buddhist construct, Scientific Socialism is purely an inspiration from Marxist traditions. Socialism has been defined by August Bebel in "Die Frau und der Sozialismus", put into perspective by Engels in 'Socialism: Utopian and Scientific', thoroughly explained by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto, and followed up by a number of other great theoreticians in their various works. Consider the following:

"The organization of society in such a manner that any individual, man or woman, finds at birth equal means for the development of their respective faculties and the utilization of their labor. The organization of society in such a manner that the exploitation by one person of the labor of his neighbor would be impossible, and where everyone will be allowed to enjoy the social wealth only to the extent of their contribution to the production of that wealth."

~ August Bebel
(Die Frau und der Sozialismus)

Perhaps the primary reason why the above understanding of Socialism has been contested by large segments of the bourgeoisie, religious clerics and other reactionaries is because it seeks to disturb the very foundations of the status quo that exists. The materialistic conception of history obviously shatters the premises upon which religions lie. Dhammic Socialism is another one of those theories that pursues the active vilification of Marxism, and in particular materialism. Similar to the propaganda the Muslim mullahs (clerics) instigated from mosques and maddrassas (Islamic schools) in Pakistan against communism, Buddhist propaganda against materialism emanated in a Buddhist monastery called Suan Mokkh in Southern Thailand. Marx would have been proud to have seen his famous phrase "Religion is the opium of the masses" manifest itself so truly in Suan Mokkh. Suan Mokkh is literally translated as the "Garden of Liberation", and is most popular as an international Buddhist retreat. Set in aloof and serene settings, Suan Mokkh aims to rid the individual from the "tyranny of the ego" and practice Dhamma in everything the individual practices. The setting provides a perfect venue to appease the participants and brainwash them in the atmosphere that has been created away from the cosmopolitan centers of Thailand. The religious lectures, while concentrating on Buddhist teachings and values, are also set out to try and ideologically attack materialism. The overall paradigm of operations at Suan Mokkh reflects the fact that the teachings at Suan Mokkh seek to unite all religious majority and minority groups against materialism. This policy is known as "Three Resolutions" at Suan Mokkh. The three resolutions are:

To help everyone penetrate to the heart of their own religion;
To create mutual good understanding among all religions;
To work together to drag the world out from materialism.

Ajarn Buddhadasa, a Buddhist priest in Suan Mokkh, and the founder of Dhammic Socialism sought to form an international Dharma hermitage, whose primary purpose would be to "bring together spiritual people from all of Thailand's religions to further mutual good understanding and cooperation against rampant materialism and moral decay".

Clearly, there is a clash of interests here. Why does Dhammic Socialism try and focus on negating materialism? The answer is simply put by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". Dharmmic Socialism is a product ofspecific objective conditions of Thailand: i.e. the response of the olf feudal classes to the rise of Scientific Socialism.The objective conditions of Thailand necessitated the formulation of Dhammic Socialism. Historically, Buddhism in Thailand has been embroiled in excessive state control, the failure of rural development, modernization and consumerism "all factors that have strangled Buddhism and its control over citizens. Added to that is extensive patriarchy within Buddhism that has played a crucial role in the retrogressive nature of Buddhism in Thailand. Naturally, religious clerics do not want to let go off their stranglehold over masses. When Communism was presenting itself as a viable alternative to the prevailing economic order, especially in the decade of the 1970s, Dhammic Socialism was conceived in order to firstly discredit materialism, and secondly to reinvigorate Buddhism in Thailand.

Moreover, Dhammic Socialism sought to maintain the status quo by promising the aristocracy, feudals and bourgeoisie that their existing position in society would be unharmed. It claimed that Socialism can go wrong, if not coupled with Dhamma, as Dhamma would add to it the virtues of honesty, morality and non-violence. Dhammic Socialism in essence was diametrically opposed to Scientific Socialism Conjured during the peak of the Cold War, Dhammic Socialism utilized Cold War anti-Communist card to engender a fear in the aristocracy, feudals and bourgeoisie. Dhammic Socialism rather provoked an argument of peaceful co-existence between various class groups, stating that interdependence was imperative to build a harmonious society.

And yet the Karma that the Buddhists preach is ripe with social and cultural retrogression, often culminating in institutionalized violence against the minorities and the marginalized. Dhammic Socialism does not uphold parity with respect to gender rights. Patriarchy and chauvinism are the products of the hold male monks want to have over society in general. Even in this day and age, birth in female form is often seen as a result of bad karma, hence severely devaluing the social status of women. Gender and domestic violence are the direct product of the perception of a woman's inferior karma, which according to Buddhist norms, they must endure with patience.

The above assertions (the connection between Buddhism and patriarchy) is well documented in various pieces of work. I will reproduce here the work of Ouyporn Khuankaew from an article called "Feminism and Buddhism: A Reflection through Personal Life & Working Experience"

We do not have ordination for women in Thailand. Since Thai nuns have not been recognized legally or socially as ordained women, their status is the lowest of all women, because they do not belong to any category of women, either within the lay or monastic community.

The patriarchy of Thai Buddhism also contributes to prostitution…

In Thai culture, it is a tradition for all Thai men to be ordained, usually before they get married, in order to pay gratitude to their parents (especially their mother since she herself cannot be ordained). By having a son ordained, it is believed that the parents can cling to the yellow robe of their son and reach heaven after their death. This ordination is usually temporary, in which men are allowed to leave their jobs with pay for three months in order to fulfill their duty to be monks. It is also believed that monkhood for three months will purify their minds so that they will be good family leaders once they are married.

Whereas rural boys have access to education and resources through the monkhood, girls do not have the same opportunity because there is no ordination for women. To pay gratitude to parents, in particular, to provide economic security, they have very few choices - to become a maid, a factory worker or a prostitute. Because boys repay gratitude to their parents by being ordained in their youth, they fulfill their duty early in life. A girl's way to repay gratitude to her parents is usually to take care of them when they are old.

Because rural development programs in the past thirty years have failed to improve the lives of the farmers, and in fact have driven them into more debt and suffering, girls often have no way to access resources to help take care of the family. In rural areas such as my community, when the signs of rural development failure came to light, girls such as my sisters and her friends were the first group who left our village with the hope of earning money to help alleviate the suffering of the family. The first group of young women who left my village went to work as house maids, and a few of them ended up in brothels as a result of sexual abuse from the male members of the households in which they were employed.

The North has become famous for prostitution. In the past ten years, girls as young as eight have been sold by parents and the money used to pay debts, to send her brothers to school, to build a new modern house or to buy a pickup truck for her family. This epidemic has spread to the Northeast where the suffering hits the rural poor the hardest. Pattaya, a famous beach and resort town two hours southeast of Bangkok, is full of girls from the Northeast, many earning their living as sex workers. In the past ten years, young Thai women have also gone overseas to be prostitutes despite the risk of their own lives because the financial return is higher than at home. The number of prostitutes in Thailand is almost equal to the number of monks. If young, rural girls could be given the same opportunity as the boys to enter a monastic life, they would have access to education and at the same time be able to repay spiritual gratitude to their parents. These opportunities could provide girls and women with proper monastic education and spiritual guidance so they can become important spiritual guides for the rural folks, particularly other women and girls. Due to male dominance within Thai Buddhism, however, girls and women have been deprived of such an opportunity. Consequently, they have been victims of different forms of violence against girls and women, such as domestic violence, rape and forced prostitution.

Most monks today do not enter monkhood based upon the faith of wanting to learn and practice the Buddha's teachings in order to get rid of their own suffering and help ease the suffering of other sentient beings (especially the desire to be a spiritual guide in return for all of the support that the people give them). It is very common in rural areas, particularly in the North, to see monks disrobe after years of comfortable living while accumulating material resources and knowledge at the expense of community and monastic resources, and to then go on to get married almost immediately. This is the main reason why Buddhism, for many years now, has failed to function in its traditional role as the source of spiritual guidance for the Thai population.

Nowadays in the North, the rural villagers tolerate monks who break their discipline (vinaya) by drinking or having illicit sex, because they need a monk to perform Buddhist ceremonies such as funerals and the temple's religious events. Those who are devoted to real Buddhism have to go visit the Northeastern forest monks who mostly live in caves or in an isolated temple situated near the forest.

"The greatest challenge to my spiritual practice is almost every time that I encounter a situation to work with high status monks or highly educated or experienced men who have suffered from patriarchal systems. Particularly for monks, to do an experiential activity makes them feel uncomfortable, especially when they have to do it with women. Expressing feelings or hearing women talk about their feelings makes them uncomfortable. For them, showing feelings makes it seem that they are not good monks because they are still effected by worldly defilement. As an ordained person, they are supposed to maintain equanimity to whatever happens around them. One time during a workshop in Cambodia, a few monks got up and left the session when one of the women started crying while talking about her suffering during the Pol Pot regime. One monk scolded her to stop crying.

Another challenge of working with monks and male Buddhist scholars is that they think they are the authorities to speak about Buddhism because they know more that everybody else. One time a well educated monk who is known for his preaching refused to join in a half an hour gender workshop. But after the activity was done, he wanted to preach to the group about Buddhism saying that in Nirvana, the state of enlightenment, there is no gender so we do not need to talk about gender issues.


Moreover, economic inequality and political oppression are also justified with the explanation of karma. Economic/Income Disparity and prevailing material conditions of one are believed to be the just results of previous bad karma, regardless of their present moral character or behavior. The practice of generosity (dana) is translated as providing the monks with material goods. Hence, while the richer are supposedly better Buddhists by spending more on religion, and ensuring an even greater life in Nirvana, the poor are left to rue their poverty, that they believe will come back and haunt them in their next lives. While they probably aspire to resist the oppression of the system as a whole, karma again impedes their progress as defying oppressive power is seen to involve anger and conflict, thereby engendering bad karma. And hence, the status quo does not get affected, the rich do not fear revolution, the poor fall in the dual chasm of religion and capitalism. And life goes on as normal.

Communism not only offers a scientific understanding of how and why the poor are oppressed, a solution to their conundrum, and taking society on a progressive route, free of retrogressive, sexist and antiquated cultures and customs, it also helps to explain the material conditions that give rise to philosophies such as Dhammic Socialism.

It is my understanding that the views of Dhammic Socialism are similar to the ideas of Feudal Socialism that arose in Europe albeit in the specific material context of Thailand. That is why I leave the reader with the brilliant expose of Feudal Socialism by Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels in the Communist Manifesto.

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern bourgeois society. In the French Revolution of July 1830, and in the English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to the hateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political struggle was altogether out of the question. A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in the domain of literature, the old cries of the restoration period had become impossible

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to lose sight, apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate its indictment against the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus, the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of coming catastrophe.

In this way arose feudal socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half an echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core, but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend the march of modern history.

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited this spectacle:

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. In showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, they forget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own form of society.

For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of their criticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts to this: that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed which is destined to cut up, root and branch, the old order of society.

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a proletariat as that it creates a revolutionary proletariat.

In political practice, therefore, they join in all corrective measures against the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high-falutin phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of industry, and to barter truth, love, and honour, for traffic in wool, beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits.

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so has clerical socialism with feudal socialism.

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist tinge. Has not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage, against the state? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.

~ Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels
(The Communist Manifesto: Chapter 3)

Saturday, August 14, 2004

A Time to Celebrate????

Jaffer Raza

As the nation celebrates the 57th independence day of Pakistan I am still confused as to what I should do. Celebrate and enjoy like the rest of the nation or sit and ponder as to where it all went wrong. I do not know at this very important day if I should question the inception of Pakistan or just pray for the future of my country.

I have long questioned the inception of the country, the nature of the struggle and the role of the leaders of the Muslim League. The nation doesn’t seem to do the same. There are no questions asked and no points to ponder. What is contained in the syllabus is what the young men of our country know. The distorted history that is portrayed through the national television is what the nation is forced to believe.

The people, the various television networks, politicians and people from all walks of life take great pride in the fervor and enthusiasm shown by the young on this very day. Youths racing on motor bikes with national flags with them, some painting their faces with the national colors, some wearing badges and others dancing to the beat of the national songs is a common site throughout the country. Yes there may be a feeling of nationalism but sadly it lasts for a day. I often wonder whether it is the feeling of “extreme nationalism” or whether a day of leisure for the entertainment starved nation.

I was switching through the TV channels the other day and I managed to look at an advertisement that was being aired. What I saw was initially highly amusing but realistically sad. An oil company of foreign origin broke the world record for the longest flag ever made in the history of this world. This is hardly a world record worth boasting of. Strong nations are neither made by racing on motor bikes with flags and neither are they made by producing the largest flag ever made. Nations are made by hard working people, people who want a change, people who voice their concerns, people who think; scholars, scientists, doctors, engineers. It is sadly not made by people who once a year paint their faces with national colors. If that was the criteria we would be at the top of the world. Yes we may have made the world record for the longest flag, but how many Nobel Laureates have we produced? How much has our literacy rate improved? How many army governments have we been able to overthrow? These questions demand answers and the sorry state of affairs will very sadly be in our faces when we attempt to answer them.

Priorities at this point have to be decided. Will the patriotic songs of Noor Jehan take the country forward or does hard work hold the key for us. Hard work; towards a change. A change that will take the nation forward. Yes at this point we can and we should thank God for the blessings that have been bestowed upon our nation, which at times we fail to realize. We as a nation deserve much worse. It is not the time to celebrate but a time to think, a time to ponder and a time to work towards a Pakistan which we can really celebrate in the true sense of that word.

Internal Colonization

by Jaffer Raza

Almost 57 years have passed since the inception of Pakistan and its “independence” is still a topic of discussion between scholars, political scientists and the common man. Different people have expressed their respected views on this topic. Some argue that it was a blessing for the Muslims of the Sub Continent and others have reservations on how this country came into being. The two nation theory while being hailed by some schools is thrashed by others. Therefore the inception of Pakistan to date is sadly very debatable.

There are a number of questions that come to ones mind as far as the creation of Pakistan is concerned. For whom was the country made for? Did it actually serve the purpose? Was it worth the millions of lives lost during that period? Was the Muslim League really a party for the people? Was Jinnah really a leader the whole nation looks up to? And the most important question. Are we an independent nation capable of taking our own decisions?

The initial questions can arise a long and a never ending debate. Each of them have enough substance to write a complete article on. I will therefore attempt to tackle the last and the most important question keeping in mind the initial ones.

The inception of Pakistan to me sadly remains under a shadow of doubt. I ask my self if this is how nation states come into being. I look at history and see the development of Europe and again ask my self whether we are capable of calling ourselves a nation state. Did the homeland for Muslims actually serve the purpose when the majority of the Muslim population lives across the other side of the border (especially after the fall of Dhaka).

The main question which bothers me is whether we are capable of being called an independent nation or are we just slaves, being ruled the same way, by different people. Or maybe the same people in a different form, representing the interests of those who ruled over us for centuries. I ask the question whether the ideology behind independence was just to get the British out of the country and claim that we are an independent nation.

Well sadly I think we are still colonized. Independence to me is not getting rid of the foreign colonizers but to free the country from the shackels of what I would call “internal colonizers.”

It is my contention that we are still being ruled and the life of an ordinary citizen in Pakistan has not improved since independence but it has sadly worsened. It is indeed worse that the citizens of this country are treated the same way as they were before 14th August 1947, but this time around only by their own people. The army, the politicians, the landlords to me is just a different form of our country being colonized. In fact it is sadder that we in our own country are being colonized by our own people, people who dance to the tunes played from Washington, and people who only understand the language of power and money. From the British Viceroy to the army generals it’s all the same. One can give an analogy of a math problem where you reach the same result but only from different methods. This seems to be the case here. It is literally the change in skin color that seems to be the difference in this case and of course the result is the same, the common man of Pakistan is where he was, only hoping for a better future.

For me, independence from the British was not the solution for a prosperous nation; it was only the initial step. The important part was to control the internal elements in our society which can exploit, control and arbitrarily rule over the country. The need was to control elements such as the army, bureaucracy, politicians and the landlords. Such elements are simply playing the same role as the British colonizers, only with a stamp of approval on them. The stamp of approval, being the silence exercised by the people. Sir Martin Luther King once said “The day you know the truth and you do not say it; it is the day you begin to die.” The real purpose of independence to me seems to be missing as we are still being ruled, only by different people in a different way. The only difference that can come to my mind is that the British administration was immaculate while the administration of the “local colonizers” leaves a lot to be desired.

On paper we may have gained independence but we still have a long way to reach what is really called independence. Nelson Mandela in his very fine book “Long Walk to Freedom” wrote “When one climbs a hill he finds that there are many other hills to climb. My long walk to freedom is not over.” Certainly ours towards independence is neither and there are unquestionably many other hills to climb.

(In) Dependence Day

On this day 14th August in 1947 the region that is now divided between India, Pakistan and Bangladesh switched from colonial subjugation to neo-colonial subjugation. The British colonizers who had initiated a process of industrialization for their own benefit created a small but growing industrial class allied closely with the slowly co-opted landowning aristocracy. This native ruling class closely allied with the British came together from various areas within India, but most notably it was centered in North India. Naturally, control over resources, markets, and a larger share of the colonial super-profits always resulted (and will continue to result) in rivalries between various sections of this ruling class. Religion and nationalism were quite naturally the ideological weapons of choice in the contestation of power between these sections of the ruling class and also between the classes representing a new mode of production (i.e. the bourgeoisie) and other classes whose life were based upon pre-capitalist mode of productions. These conflicts therefore assumed not only cynical nationalist form but also the character of national–liberation struggles of the oppressed nationalities—pre-capitalist as they might have been. However, regardless of whether they were nationalist or national-liberation movements they were held together to some extent by the common goal of liberation from British colonialism from the rise of the nationalist movement till about the mid 1930s. With the independence clearly around the corner these fissures began to grow and under the rubric of the quite incorrect “Two Nation” theory sections of the ruling class who were Muslims made a bid for power separate from the Congress. The Muslim League was built on the most reactionary sections of the Indian ruling class: Feudal lords and aristocrats. Therefore, far from assuming the character of national-liberation, they were infact almost entirely reacting to the new ideas of liberation that were a product of the awakening of the colonial people against occupation.

The party of the proletariat was as yet not strong enough such that it could implement a Leninist solution to the national question in the Sub-Continent. The Leninist solution would no doubt upheld the right of every nation to self-determination including secession. Such a right would have taken away the need for secession and built international proletarian unity on the basis of equality and mutual fraternity. Furthermore, the elimination of capitalism would have brought a society where resources are shared evenly and the gradual elimination of regional economic inequality and class inequities would have resulted in the growing fraternization of people of all nations. At the same time, the Leninist solution would no doubt have pointed out that a nation is a historically constituted stable community, based on a common language, territory, culture, and economic bond. And that therefore people of one religion are not, by virtue of belonging to a religion, people of one nation. The Communists would have pointed out that in India there is neither one nation, nor two-nations, but in fact many nations and that each should have complete economic, political, and cultural equality in all spheres of life. Such a solution that accords with the wishes of the vast majority of people could become possible on the basis of the social ownership of the means of production. As long as capitalism survives development will always be uneven. Resources will move owing to the law of value and the tendency to make more profit towards the better developed markets, thereby, resulting in an exploitative relationship between various nations. A complete and final solution to the national question can only come about on the basis of socialism.

Today in Pakistan we return once again to the national question as a burning issue in our movement. The Baloch insurgency is rekindling and the Balochistan Liberation Army and other organizations are increasingly active. Ask the Baloch and the overwhelming majority will respond “Independence, what independence. We are now under the colonial occupation of a Punjab based Army”.

On the left there have been those opportunists who claim that the Baloch are “not a nation”. Such for example was the position of Feroz Ahmed (although he changed it in later days). Other’s will argue that this is a national conflict but one in which the Baloch nationalists are fighting to preserve an outmoded Sardari mode of production. Both these positions in the view of our party accord in one way or another with the views of the establishment. They are both scientifically incorrect and are the basis of opportunism on the national question in Pakistan. Such positions deserve nothing but rebuke and scorn. A Marxist analysis clearly shows that the Baloch are a nation (in fact to suggest otherwise is patently stupid) and further that they are an ‘oppressed’ nation. Aside from our communist task of supporting the struggle of the Baloch we should also ask the wider questions that are brought to the fore with the rise of the Baloch insurgency.

What kind of independence are we celebrating (in which 13 boys were killed and over 300 injured in motorcycle related accidents yesterday)? Have we become independent of US imperialism? Is our foreign policy, economic policy truly sovereign and independent? Are the Bhatta mazdoors who work in medieval slave like conditions ‘independent’? Are the women of Pakistan ‘independent’? Are they free from harassment? Do they have equality before the law, in their families, in politics, in economic life, or even in their own homes? Are the tenants of Okarra, who have been charged with rent for about 50 years by an authority that has no legal rights over the land, free? The level of poverty rose to 33 per cent from 20 per cent in the last 15 years, even though the economy looked up with a growth rate of 5.1 per cent. Is this independence?

Yet, there are millions of people celebrating INDEPENDENCE.

They are celebrating the illusions not the reality of independence. The reality of independence is that since the British left, the ruling class of India and Pakistan became free. Free to exploit the people and enjoy a larger share of the colonial profits. Free to abscond with millions of rupees from the public exchequer, free to embezzle money in BCCI like frauds, free like admiral Mansoor to make more money than the entire navy, free to enjoy their colonial wealth in gregarious splendor and pomp.

But the people of Pakistan remained colonial slaves. It is true that these slaves were able to win a few rights that became legislated and from time to time they even managed to enforce one or two of these rights. But on the whole, merely the form of slavery was changed, the fact of colonial slavery remained as before A FACT!!!

What we celebrate, if we celebrate at all, is merely the illusion not the reality of independence.

Isn’t it better than to cast away illusions and to confront reality? To proclaim clearly and unequivocally that we have not achieved real independence but that we are setting out anew towards that noble end. That independence for workers and peasants, women and oppressed nationalities, Bhatta mazdoors and tenants, can only come about with the overthrow of this neo-colonial system of dependence.

Independence can only come with red clarion call of the socialist revolution. The socialist revolution can only come about with the overthrow of this wretched, debauched, pathetic, and degenerate ruling class.

Down with Neo-Colonialism
Long Live Revolution

Tuesday, August 10, 2004

CMKP - Fight the US Occupation of Iraq

Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party

PAKISTANI TROOPS SHOULD GO TO IRAQ ---

TO FIGHT US OCCUPATION!

The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party held a seminar on the death anniversary of comrade Nazir Abbasi (communist leader tortured to death by the establishment in 1981) to condemn the debate on sending Pakistani troops to help the US occupation of Iraq. The seminar was surrounded by a heavy contingent of police armed in full riot gear (the number of policemen was twice the number of seminar participants). The seminar was attended by representatives from nearly all left political parties in Pakistan. However, the overwhelming CMKP supporters were factory workers and Bhatta workers clearly differentiating this seminar from other left seminars. The seminar was an enormous success and participants were energized by a potent mix of analysis and revolutionary communist poetry. Press coverage was decent (a TV crew also shot the event but I cannot confirm which network they were from). Unintelligent Intelligence agents were prowling around (including in the seminar) and attempted to get as much information as possible. None of these things even remotely phased or worried the audience all of whom were committed and hardened activists and were not going to be intimidated by the establishment. The most wonderful impact of the seminar was the rejuvenation of the genuine communists. Branches of our movement that had long been out of touch or silent suddenly reemerged—activists came to the participants and said “I am so and so, and I have worked with this branch of the party for x years under comrade y’s leadership, now tell me how do I get active again.” It confirmed the view that there are communists or sympathizers in every nook and cranny of Pakistan, they just need organization. When a party or movement makes genuine sacrifices and takes real risks for the people, sympathizers emerge from the woodwork to carry the movement forward. We hope that our efforts on behalf of the CMKP will be another step in the direction of a socialist society.



Daily Times



Send troops to Iraq to fight US occupiers: CMKP



By Mehreen Z Malik



http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_10-8-2004_pg7_16


LAHORE: The people of Pakistan want the Pakistan army to fight in Iraq against the US occupiers, the Punjab President of the Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party (CMKP) said on Monday.

The CMKP held a seminar at Nasir Bagh to introduce a “different view-point” on the issue of sending troops to Iraq.

“The two limits of this debate have been prescribed before hand and they are: we should either send troops to Iraq to help the US occupation or stay neutral,” said Mr Rahman. “The CMKP wants to follow a different lead and that is that troops should indeed be sent to Iraq, but they will go to fight against US occupation.”

Mr Rahman said that keeping in mind the “neo-colonial history” of the army, the CMKP’s demand would never be met. “However, CMKP believes that this demand conveys the true and popular will of the people of Pakistan and highlights the enormous gulf between the revolutionary anti-imperialist spirit of the people and the completely servile nature of the Pakistan establishment,” said Mr Rahman.

Speakers at the seminar did not give any credence to the government’s informal pledge of not making any decision contrary to the wishes of the people. “The rubber stamp parliament of Pakistan was not capable of defending its own prime minister and is obviously not going to take a serious stand on this issue,” said Mr Rahman. “Even if it does take a stand, everyone knows that the army couldn’t care less about parliamentary approval.”

Speakers at the seminar pledged that they would not “stand by and watch” while the Pakistani army became complicit in “yet another genocide”. The party aimed to build enormous public pressure to ensure that Pakistani troops did not go to Iraq to help the US occupation, “euphemistically called ‘helping in the reconstruction of Iraq’”, said Mr Rahman.

Ahmed Yusuf, the Lahore secretary of the CMKP, explained the Draft Programme of the CMKP, which contains four tenets: secularism, democracy, socialism and anti-imperialism.

“The immediate objectives of our party are to destroy the neo-colonial and semi-feudal chains in which the people of Pakistan are enslaved,” said Mr Yusuf. “The party has the immediate task of setting up a People’s Democracy that will pave the way for socialism.” Such a revolution would secure the concentration of power in the elected representatives of the people without outside interference, said Mr Yusuf.

“We are fighting for the complete elimination of all discriminatory practices and laws against women and the transfer of control of industries to the workers of Pakistan,” said Mr Yusuf. “Also, our party provides fraternal assistance to progressive movements all over the world to overthrow the rule of US imperialism and Zionism.” The CMKP was formed in 1994 when the Communist Party of Pakistan and the Mazdoor Kissan Party came together. Emerging from over 54 years of struggle, the CMKP has been unwavering in its defence of Marxism-Leninism.







COMMUNIST MAZDOOR KISSAN PARTY

Press Release

9 August, 2004





PAKISTANI TROOPS SHOULD GO TO IRAQ ---

TO FIGHT US OCCUPATION!

The people of Pakistan want the Pakistan army to fight in Iraq AGAINST THE U.S. OCCUPIERS.



Recently, Pakistani society has been contemplating whether to send troops to Iraq. The limits of this debate have been prescribed before hand and they are: either we should send troops to Iraq to help the US occupation, euphemistically called ‘Helping in the reconstruction of Iraq’ under a UN mandate, or Pakistan should stay neutral. The Communist Mazdoor Kissan Party held a seminar on 9th August 2004, in which it stated that it wishes to introduce a different point-of-view, which is that the Pakistani troops should go in to Iraq to fight the US occupation. Given the neo-colonial history of this army, the CMKP acknowledges that this will never happen. However, they feel that this demand expresses the true and popular will of the people of Pakistan and underscores the enormous gulf between the revolutionary, anti-imperialist spirit of the people and the completely servile nature of the Pakistani establishment.



Although the Government has said that Pakistani troops will not be sent to Iraq without UN approval, without request of the Iraqi ‘government’ (occupation forces), and parliamentary approval, and an informal pledge has been made that no decision contrary to the wishes of the people will be made in this regard, the CMKP feels that Pakistan’s rubber stamp parliament could not even defend its own Prime Minister; it is obviously not going to take a serious stand on this issue. Further, even if it did take a serious stand, at the end of the day everyone knows that the army couldn’t care less about parliamentary approval. They also stated that the people of Pakistan do not accept the secret deals that are being conducted behind their backs to send troops to Iraq.

The CMKP insisted that they are not going to stand by while the Pakistani army becomes complicit in yet another genocide. The party pledged to build enormous public pressure to ensure that Pakistani troops do not fight for the US occupiers and their puppets in Iraq. The seminar concluded that all people stand shoulder to shoulder against US imperialism.


Thursday, July 29, 2004

AMP Struggle Update

CMKP Punjab representative mazdoor front went to Okarra on Sunday last to stand shoulder to shoulder with the tenants of AMP. On the day that he arrived there was a massive standoff between the police and the tenants that was also reported in the papers. What the papers did not report was the bravery of the tenents in facing the police.

In a verbal agreement between the AMP and the Military Farm authorities 560 acres of land would be left to the Mazaraz (to cultivate without interference) and 82 acres would be handed over to the farm authorities. It turns out that the Farm Authorities gave this land over to the Army Welfare Trust which brings it directly under the military and converts it into a sort of cantonment. Second, the publication of the Human Rights Watch report (www.hrw.org) also further raised this issue on a larger scale. When members of the AMP were arrested recently, women went to the High Court to appeal for their bail etc. About 40 women were badly beaten by the police and more people were arrested for having showed up at all. This provoked a large demonstration on G.T. road and then on Sunday it provoked a further action near 15 chak.

On the morning of this Sunday the AMP people announced rom Mosque and Church loud speakers that everyone should assemble near the water canal where the police (who the tenants argued were Rangers in police clothes) had opened the water for the 82 acres that was closed by tenants during this confrontation. The tenants approached the area and began to assemble. The police called reinforcements and were fully armed with rifles. The AMP tenants marched towards the police chanting slogans of "Malki ya Maut" (Ownership or Death). The police bolted their guns and aimed directly at the unarmed crowd (although I am told that in the rear of the march the AMP also had a few light weapons for self-defence--naturally such weapons were nothing in comparison to the weapons of the police). Women were in front of the march with their thappas ready to club the police and ready to face a volley of bullets if necessary (they have faced such volleys of firings many times in the past). The unprecedented participation of women in this movement is a well documented fact. When the AMP march reached within a few yards of the police, the police chickened out and ran away. The police took shelter on the other side of the canal and the tenants closed the nakka (water source) for the 82 acres of the AWT.

After this the Nazim came and requested talks with AMP leaders. They went to the police station and held talks for about two and half hours. At the end of the talk the AMP leadership came back and announced that the police had agreed to their demands and that the tenants should not peacefully disperse. In the newspapers the next morning this last statement was given prominance to give a peaceful tinge to the entire affair. The fact on the grounds are that the tenants are bursting forth with revolutionary fervor and energy.

Naturally, all the tenants were ecstatic that the CMKP had sent a delegation on the very day that this stand-off was occurring (most other organisations are unwilling to go to Okarra and prefer to support the tenants from a safe distance). Our comrades have been doing solidarity work with the AMP nearly since it began (3.5 years ago), but more earnestly for the last 2 years. I think I don't need to tell anyone about the risks that CMKP cadres have undertaken to support this struggle--it should be obvious given our history of struggle. Suffice it to say that we have and will continue to truly stand shoulder to shoulder with the tenants in everyway, NO MATTER THE CONSEQUENCES.

The victory of the Mazarin is our victory

Long live the struggle of the Mazarin

Thursday, July 22, 2004

Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party in Kashmir

Last Friday, members of the Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party ( Rawalpindi District) went to Kashmir on a three day trip.

On Friday evening the CMKP visited a small village called Dhaana Kaacheeli, where they talked to various Kashmiri peasants and workers about the current national and international situation. The CMKP stressed upon the fact that the whole aura of the "independence" movement would prove futile if Kashmir were to become "free" in the traditional sense of the word with the rich capitalist and feudal class being the dominant one. The CMKP told the Kashmiri workers and peasants that both the states of India and Pakistan were using the Kashmiri people as an instrument of deception. The Pakistan military has forged an aura of "emergency" in the country, and a self created "threat" from India. This way, the CMKP stressed the military was able to justify its intervention in politics, and is able to divert resources towards themselves.

At Dhaana Kacheeli, the CMKP distributed pamphlets and the Constitution of the Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party. The CMKP’s line was that without an organization of the workers and peasants on Marxist-Leninist principles, and a struggle for socialism in Kashmir, neither will Kashmir ever be "free", nor will the condition of the poor people ever change. Thus, a revolutionary struggle must begin within Kashmir, for a socialist, free, secular, and democratic future.

The next day, the CMKP contingent went to the Valley of Lipa( at 15,000 ft above sea level), which is right on the Line of Control between India and Pakistan. Here they conducted a meeting at a local hotel with the workers and peasants of Kashmir. Most of the workers and peasants agreed with the CMKP’s line, and responded enthusiastically to the pamphlets and reading material that the CMKP gave them.

The CMKP stressed upon the Kashmiri people that despite giving so many lives they had still not achieved their goal because their political line was incorrect, and they had not been able to see that the real enemy was the enemy inside. They were defeated in all previous battles because they had fought on religious grounds, and had not developed class consciousness. This attitude, the CMKP stressed was reactionary, and would not lead to "freedom". The CMKP contingent reminded them of a similar situation, when the British had colonized us, and when our ancestors had blindly followed their "great leaders", without realizing that "freedom without socialism is like a bird without wings". Thus, soon after the British left, Indian and Pakistani society was overtaken by the capitalist and feudal class, and the poor workers and peasants had no representation in the system whatsoever. The CMKP reminded them of the words of Bhagat Singh:

"What is freedom? A transfer of power from the colonizers to a handful of rich and powerful indians? Is this freedom? Will this make any difference to the common man? To the worker, to the peasant ? Will this really be freedom? NO!. Freedom can only be achieved if the class system of oppression and exploitation is eliminated, with the establishment of Socialism. Only this would create a just, equal, and humane society, with all religions and nationalities having equal rights…"

Thus, the CMKP insisted upon the workers that without revolutionary struggle they could not dream of changing their fate. A revolutionary struggle on Marxist-Leninist grounds would lead to the realization of a socialist, secular, free, and democratic Kashmir.

The CMKP contingent left Kashmir on Sunday, and on their way back were hopeful that their message would reach the maximum number of people, and would one day lead to a revolution throughout Kashmir, and Pakistan would one day see the demise of military dictatorships, an end to American imperialism, and the death of the all capitalist and feudal vampires.

Long Live Communist Mazdoor Kisan Party
Long Live Revolution
Inkalab Zindabad
Samraaj Murdaabaad